ВИБОРИ НЕ ОБОВ’ЯЗКОВО Є ПРОЯВОМ ДЕМОКРАТІЇ: ДЕЯКІ ПРИКЛАДИ З АФРИКИ
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.32689/2617-9660-2020-1(7)-11-45Ключові слова:
вибори, підтримка домашньої демократії, громадянське суспільство, ефективна адміністрація.Анотація
Ця стаття досліджує демократичну обумовленість та (переважно Західні) місії спостерігачів з виборів (МСВ) у Африці. В статті розглянуться мотиви та цілі підтримки закордонних виборів, щоб критично оцінити, чи були досягнуті цілі. Почнемо з твердження: західники часто привозили в Африку деякі конституційні елементи, які закріпилися в Європі, але не мають значення для місцевого контексту. Це непорозуміння призвело до нерозуміння понять (демократія = вибори) та нецільового використання таких засобів, як демократична обумовленість та МСВ. Насправді демократія означає не насамперед вибори, а мирне чергування влади. Вибори ніколи не заважали тиранам керувати неліберальними демократіями. Гіпотеза статті полягає в тому, що демократична обумовленість та МСВ зазвичай розробляються та впроваджуються для того, щоб відповідати демократичним вимогам країни, що встановлюють умови, і мало стосуються країни, яка зазнає цих умов. Західна дипломатія застосовується до того, щоб придушити недемократичні режими до більшої політичної відкритості та участі, оскільки міністри та дипломати, вважається, що «роблять щось для демократії за кордоном», щоб привернути громадську думку до своїх країн. Отже, презумпція, яку слід досліджувати, полягає в тому, чи міжнародні актори, які знаходяться в Африці використовують авторитет Європарламенту та інших західних аудиторій. Якби це було так, все, що здалося б вибором, було б достатнім для винагород та вигоди, і лише відверті та широко розрекламовані авторитарні оберти вимагали б їх тимчасового припинення. У документі стверджується, що така підтримка домашньої демократії, ймовірно, негативно вплине на демократію за кордоном. Він стверджує, що західна демократична дипломатія підтримує дуже вузьке розуміння демократії (в цьому випадку в Африці, але це може бути і в іншому місці), дає право акторам, що прирівнюють демократію до регулярних виборів, і стимулює правителів організовувати регулярні вибори, що виглядають лише як вибори. Примушуючи африканські держави «ходити» між ризиком санкціонування та шансом отримати демократичну обумовленість створює ризик, що більше уваги приділятиметься задоволенню західних спостерігачів, ніж поглибленню демократії, створюючи середовище, що змушує її працювати. Більш оптимістичним способом документ закінчується пропозицією інших, більш скромних, але, імовірно, більш ефективних засобів підтримки демократії в Африці: підтримки громадянського суспільства та ефективної адміністрації.
Посилання
“The United Nations and Democratization”, in J Haynes, Routledge handbook of democratization, p. 300.
We shall not insist however on another element of democracy, which is nevertheless extremely interesting, namely the difference between representative and direct democracy. Some authors like Guy Hermet do not consider that (representative) democracy is a panacea. On the contrary, the idea to consider representative democracy as the golden rule of good governance is just a mean to avoid any direct exercise of power by the people. At a time where in France the “yellow slickers” still demand a referendum like in Switzerland, the fact that democracy is limited to elections every four or five years can explain many problems viewed in the organization of so seldom elections; Guy Hermet, Le Passage à la démocratie, p. 16. In the same sense, Lokengo Antshuka Ngonga warns against the hasty and precipitous introduction of the majoritarian system, because it exacerbates oppositions instead of smoothing them; Consensus politique et gestion démocratique du pouvoir en Afrique, p. 217. Both reflections could be the topic of further contribution.
Lokengo Antshuka Ngonga, Consensus politique et gestion démocratique du pouvoir en Afrique, p. 43 ; all English quotations of French books are “home-made” translations.
There are examples of recent peaceful transfers of power […] in Ghana, Nigeria, and Liberia. But “these hopeful examples are however largely the exception to the rule”; James Thuo Gathii, Term Limits and Three types of Constitutional Crisis in Sub- Saharan Africa, p. 337.
This example has been told to the writer by Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta when he was Prime-Minister of Mali in 1999, during a “National Conference” in Bamako.
Guy Hermet, Le Passage à la démocratie.
Tzvetan Todorov, The inner enemies of democracy, Chapter 1, Democracy threatened by its own hubris.
Georges Glotz, La Cité grecque, Albin Michel, Paris 1953, 241–251 ; Plato, OEuvres complètes, vol. 1, “Ménèxène”, 1950, p. 479 ; both quoted by Lokengo Antshuka Ngonga, Consensus politique et gestion démocratique du pouvoir en Afrique, p. 28.
Olivier Duhamel, Les démocraties, p. 32.
Edward A. Freeman, History of Federal Government in Greece and in Italy, J.B. Bury, Dublin MA, 1893, p. 35. Lokengo Antshuka Ngonga has devoted a complete chapter to the principle of “Introducing rotating power management” in order to create confidence between the different powers units; op. cit, p. 198–200.
Tukumbi Lumumba-Kasongo, The problematics of liberal democracy and liberal process: lessons for deconstructing and building African democracies, p. 1–25; the author has perfectly described the dysfunctions of “classical” democracy in Africa.
Lokengo Antshuka Ngonga, Consensus politique et gestion démocratique du pouvoir en Afrique, p. 199.
Augustin Loada and Jonathan Wheatley (dir.), Transitions démocratiques en Afrique de l’Ouest : processus constitutionnels, société civile et institutions démocratiques, p. 21.
Augustin Loada and Jonathan Wheatley (dir.), op. cit., Preface and p. 18.
“Many donor nations claim to be doing this [cutting aid resources to autocrats], but they could still reduce aid programs in nondemocratic countries”; David F. Gordon, “On promoting Democracy in Africa”, in Marina Ottaway (ed.), Democracy in Africa: the Hard Road Ahead, p. 163.
Born Joseph-Désiré Mobutu, selfproclaimed Marshall Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Ngbendu wa Za Banga represents (perhaps) the epitome of the African dictator. See a long description of “Marshall Madness” in David van Reybrouck, Congo: the epic history of a people, Ch. 10 (363–394), who makes a comparison between Mobutu in Zaire and Ceauşescu in Romania.
Abdalla Bujra and Said Adejumobi, Breaking Barriers – Creating New Hopes – Democracy, Civil Society and Good Governance in Africa, p. 349.
Paul D. Williams, War & Conflict in Africa, p. 18–19, with figures 1.2–1.5.
Paul D. Williams, op. cit., p. 17.
Paul D. Williams, op. cit., p. 276.
See Mamoudou Gazibo, Les paradoxes de la démocratisation en Afrique : analyse institutionnelle et stratégique, ch. 7, RN 24–39.
The word is a creation of Marina Ottaway, Democracy Challenged. The rise of Semi-authoritarianism.
Wolfgang Merkel, Embedded and Defective Democracies, pp. 33 – 58.
As it was the case in Harare, were riots took place after the result of legislative elections giving the majority to the ruling party Zanu-PF; see for instance: (consulted January 26th, 2020).
Paul D. Williams, War & Conflict in Africa, p. 278; he concludes that bad governments have the worse effects on good governance, ever worse than religion.
Pascal Mukonde Musulay, Démocratie électorale en Afrique subsaharienne – Entre droit, pouvoir et argent, p. 39.
Me Mohamadou Gamdji, Plaidoyer pour une véritable démocratie en Afrique: < https://www.journalducameroun.com/ plaidoyer-pour-une-vraie-democratie-enafrique/> (consulted January 30th, 2020).
James Thuo Gathii, Term Limits and Three types of Constitutional Crisis in Sub- Saharan Africa, p. 335.
Stephen Wright, “Nigeria : Building Political Stability with Democracy”, in Peter J. Burnell and Vicky Randall, Politics in the developing world, p. 463, 469.
Ismaïlia Mador Fall, “Les Constitutions africaines et les transitions démocratiques”, devotes a chapter to what he calls : “The persistence of the phenomenon of the opportunist revisionism of the presidential condition” (transl.); in Augustin Loada and Jonathan Wheatley, Transitions démocratiques en Afrique de l’Ouest : processus constitutionnels, société civile et institutions démocratiques, p. 146ss.
This French portmanteau has been created in a book of Max Liniger-Goumaz, La démocrature, dictature camouflée, démocratie truquée (L’Harmattan, Paris 1992).
David Owen, The Hubris Syndrome, Methuen, revised ed. 2012; Prologue: The intoxication of power; see also Tzvetan Todorov, The inner enemies of democracy, Chapter 1, Democracy threatened by its own hubris.
See Audrey Chabal, Syndrome d’Hubris : quand le pouvoir produit des arrogants et narcissiques. (Hubris syndrome: when power produces arrogant and narcissistic people; transl).
D.E. Emanuel, from the Marien Mgouabi University in Brazzavile, has written (in French) an extensive article called “The emergence of the principle of the political conditionality in international public law” (transl.).
<http://www.worldcourts.com/pcij/ eng/decisions/1923.08.17_wimbledon.htm> (consulted January 30th, 2020).
< h t t p : / / c t r c . s i c e . o a s . o r g / Tr a d e / CA R I F O R U M - E C E PA / Co t o n o u _ A g r e e m e n t _ & _ L o m e 4 _ l o m e 4 _ e . p d f > (consulted January 30th, 2020).
Whose official title is : Partnership Agreement 2000/483/EC between the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States of the one part, and the EU, of the other part; see also <https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/ TXT/?uri=celex:22000A1215(01)> (consulted January 30th, 2020).
According to Pascal Mukonde Musulay, in fact and in reality, all these pressures for “democracy” emanate mainly from World Bank and IMF; but the final goal is more free market than democratic governance; op. cit., p. 66ss.
Mark Malan, Africa: building institutions on the run, p. 111, quoted by Paul D. Williams, War & Conflict in Africa, p. 211.
“EU enlargement continues to be the clearest case of positive democratic conditionality, but it is not quite the cut and dried example it is assumed to be. Extensive work on the conditionality deployed by the EU in the context of Eastern enlargement has concluded that incentives played a secondary role and were linked mostly to second phase governance, not the big, overarching choices in favor of democracy.” Richard Youngs, in: Rootledge Handbook of Democratization, p. p. 287 (293).
Paul D. Williams, War & Conflict in Africa, p. 211, but also chapter eleven (p. 253– 274).
Hilaire de Prince Pokam, Communauté internationale et Gouvernance démocratique en Afrique.
Francis Akindès, Les mirages de la démocratisation en Afrique subsaharienne, p. 60.
Cf. Mamoudou Gazibo, Les paradoxes de la démocratisation en Afrique : analyse institutionnelle et stratégique, p. 163.
This recognition of the prominent democratic role of Southern Africa is also made by Eboe Hutchful, “Militarism and Problems of Democratic Transitions”, in Marina Ottaway (ed.), Democracy in Africa: the Hard Road Ahead, p. 43.
Robert A Schrire, “South Africa: From Divided Society to New Nation”, in Peter J. Burnell and Vicky Randall, Politics in the developing world, p. 413.
Michael Bratton and Nicolas van de Walle, Democratic Experiments in Africa: Regime Transitions in Comparative Perspective, pp. 30–33.
The ranking for Africa is presented in the Annex.
<https://freedomhouse.org/regions/ sub-saharan-africa> (consulted January 30th, 2020); it is also interesting to note that many elements taken into account for this benchmarking do not include elections.
La Françafrique, le plus long scandale de la République (Stock, Paris 1998); but de facto this neologism was created in the 1950s by Félix Houphouët-Boigny.
Whereas the homophony: Françafrique = France à fric [France with cash, as in French “fric” means “money”]).
All these problems have been thoroughly identified by Pascal Mukonde Musulay, Démocratie électorale en Afrique subsaharienne – Entre droit, pouvoir et argent, pp. 66 – 78.
Among many others, The Guardian : <https://www.theguardian.com/ world/2017/sep/20/kenyan-election-rerunnot- transparent-supreme-court> (consulted January 30th, 2020).
Anne van Aaken, Independent electoral management bodies and international election observer missions: any impact on the observed level of democracy? A conceptual framework.
Pippa Norris and Alessandro Nai, Election Watchdogs.
Apart of Joseph Kabila for the 2018 elections which seem to be flawed from the beginning.
See also Anne van Aaken hypothesis 5a and 5b: Countries with a weak technical system of election administration and countries receiving a high level of development aid (in relation to GDP) will have fairer elections if there are election observers (op. cit.).
Le Temps, January 31st, 2017 : < h t t p s : / / w w w . l e t e m p s . c h / s u i s s e / observateurs-federaux-surveiller-votemoutier> (consulted January 30th, 2020).
Le Temps, November 5th, 2018, <https://www.letemps.ch/suisse/moutierp r e f e t e - i n v a l i d e - u n - v o t e - e n t a c h e - dirregularites> (consulted January 30th, 2020).
See <https://www.jura.ch/fr/ A u t o r i t e s / M o u t i e r / Vo t a t i o n - d u - 1 8 - juin-2017.html> (consulted January 30th, 2020).
It was the same in the Democratic Republic of Congp in December 2018 : The conditions for the smooth running of the presidential were not fulfilled. The National Independent Electoral Commission (CENI) still maintained the vote on Friday December 28th. But it decided to postpone the elections in March in the districts of Beni and Butembo, in the North-Kivu, and Yumbi, in the province of Maï-Ndombe, in the south-west of the country. Some constitutional experts are already tearing their hair out. How can CENI organize such a crucial presidential election by depriving 1.2 million Congolese of the right to vote? When Beni, Butembo and Yumbi can vote, the games will already be played. See: <https://www.letemps.ch/monde/rd-congoelections- peur> (consulted January 30th, 2020).
Among hundreds of articles, see Le Temps – ATS, published August 2nd, 2018 : <https://www.letemps.ch/monde/ heurts-meurtriers-apres-lannonce-resultatselections- zimbabwe> (consulted January 30th, 2020). Seee also “Élections au Zimbabwe – l’Union européenne tance le processus électoral » (Elections in Zimbabwe – the European Union scolds the electoral process) : <http://fr.africanews. com/2018/08/01/elections-au-zimbabwel- union-europeenne-tance-le-processuselectoral//> (consulted January 30th, 2020).
James Thuo Gathii, Term Limits and Three types of Constitutional Crisis in Sub- Saharan Africa, p. 336s.
As a recent and quite shocking example, consider the good relations between USA and Saudi Arabia despite the assassination of journalist Jamal Kashoggi.
Michael Bratton and Nicolas Van de Walle, Democratic experiments in Africa: Regime Transitions in Comparative Perspective, p. 117; see 3.3.
Karl Loewenstein, “Militant Democracy and Fundamental Rights I” (American Political Science Review 1937, 417); quoted by Jan-Werner Müller, “Militant democracy”, in: Michel Rosenfeld, The Oxford handbook of comparative constitutional law, Oxford Univ. Press 2012, p. 1253 (1256).
Oumar Ndongo, The Role of West African Civil Society in Peace-building, p. 173, 175.
Emmanuel Ghiyma-Boadi, The Challenges Ahead, p. 90.
David F. Gordon, “On promoting Democracy in Africa”, in Marina Ottaway (ed.), Democracy in Africa: the Hard Road Ahead, p. 162.
Oumar Ndongo, The Role of West African Civil Society in Peace-building, p. 172. See also the conclusion drawn by Paul D. Williams, War & Conflict in Africa, p. 275–278.
Jeffrey Haynes, “Introduction: twenty five years of democratization – the third and fourth waves of democracy in perspective”, in: Jeffrey Haynes, Rootledge Handbook of Democratization, p. 1–9.
“Civil society is mainly ‘in construction’”, Augustin Loada and Jonathan Wheatley, Transitions démocratiques en Afrique de l’Ouest : processus constitutionnels, société civile et institutions démocratiques, p. 29.
Lokengo Antshuka Ngonga, Consensus politique et gestion démocratique du pouvoir en Afrique, p. 210 : The existence of many NGOs testifies to the vitality of democracy.
Marina Ottaway, “Civil Society”, in Peter J. Burnell and Vicky Randall, Politics in
Marina Ottaway, op. cit., p. 166 (180- 182); the author makes the comparison with the overwhelming efficiency of Islamic civil society. The importance of civil society was especially true for Nigeria: “Despite long periods of oppressive rule, civil society groups have remained active and strong”; Stephen Wright, “Nigeria : Building Political Stability with Democracy”, in Peter J. Burnell and Vicky Randall, Politics in the developing world, p. 463 (469).
Baohui Zhang, Corporatism, Totalitarianism, and Transitions to Democracy, p. 133; for him, Poland with Solidarity is the only posttotalitarian state that had some form of institutionalized societal organizations.
Anne van Aaken, Independent electoral management bodies and international election observer missions: any impact on the observed level of democracy? A conceptual framework.
Paul D. Williams, War & Conflict in Africa, p. 189.
Just a quotation about Nigeria among so many others touching almost all Africa: “Elections have always been manipulated by incumbents, and the 2003 elections were no exception”; Stephen Wright, “Nigeria : Building Political Stability with Democracy”, in Peter J. Burnell and Vicky Randall, Politics in the developing world, p. 463 (468).
Abdulmumin Sa’ad, “The Importance of Restorative Justice in Peacebuilding”, in: Jibrin Ibrahim and Oumar Ndongo, Resolving West African Conflicts – Early Warning Early Response, p. 185 (193).
Paul Valéry translated by Marthiel and Jackson Mathews, Collected works of Paul Valéry, vol. 15, Moi, Princeton University Press, Princeton 1975, p. 291.
<https://freedomhouse.org/regions/ sub-saharan-africa> (consulted January 30th, 2020); between 2009 and 2018, Mali fell into the partially free countries. Therefore in 2018 among Sub-Saharan countries there are 9 «free» against 40 «partly free» or «not free».
